In its survey analysis of the religious freedom situation in the Xinjiang-Uighur Autonomous Region of north-western China (previously known as Eastern Turkestan), Forum 18 News Service reports on the pervasive state control over the religious life of native Muslims, who make up about half the local population. Mosques are strictly controlled by the authorities and all the imam-hatybs are state-appointed. Posters on mosques declare that children under 18 cannot attend, while an unofficial order bans employees of state-run companies from attending under threat of dismissal. Only approved religious literature can be sold. Despite Xinjiang's impressive recent economic growth, Forum 18 found that tension between local Muslims and the Chinese government has not been relieved.
The Xinjiang-Uighur Autonomous
Region (previously known as Eastern Turkestan) is
situated in the north west of China and borders Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan,
Mongolia and Russia. With 16 per cent of China's territory, it is the country's
largest province. According to official Chinese statistics, Xinjiang
has a population of 16.5 million. Around half of the population is Chinese,
while the other half speak Turkic languages and practise
Islam. Of the latter, Uighurs constitute 42 per cent,
the Kazakhs 6.2 per cent and the Kyrgyz 1 per cent.
Pervasive state control makes it difficult to collect information on what the
state regards as the sensitive issues of religious freedom or relations between
the Chinese state and Xinjiang's Muslim population.
Almost all those interviewed by Forum 18 said that if the authorities knew they
had supplied a journalist with "negative information", they could
receive a lengthy prison sentence. For that reason Forum 18 cannot reveal the
names of sources.
Historically, Eastern Turkestan is part of the same
ethnic and cultural region as Central Asia. The people of Turkic origin who
live here have a similar language, culture, customs and history to the native
peoples of the Central Asian republics. In ancient times, the Uighurs were rulers of a powerful civilisation
which extended not only to the whole of Central Asia, but also to China.
In 1759 the Manchu Chinese forces overcame the resistance of the Uighur army. The captured lands became known as Xinjiang (meaning "new border"). Since the
incorporation of the region into China, the Uighurs
have staged more than 400 uprisings. In 1944 the Uighurs
even managed to seize part of Xinjiang and proclaim
the Republic of Eastern Turkestan, but it survived
only until 1949.
Relations between the Uighurs and the Chinese became
particularly strained after 1950, when Beijing began the mass resettlement of
ethnic Chinese into Eastern Turkestan. While in 1949
around 200,000 Chinese lived in the region (10 per cent of the population),
today around 8 million Chinese live there (around 50 per cent of the
population).
Since the start of the 1990s Xinjiang has had a
powerful separatist Uighur underground movement. Acts
of terrorism take place periodically and spontaneous uprisings flare up. In
1990 a bus was blown up in Kashgar, the main city in
the south of the autonomous region, and again in 1992 in Urumqi,
the region's capital. In 1990, when the authorities closed off access by
believers to a mosque, an uprising broke out in the village of Barin (a suburb of Kashgar). In
1995, when the authorities sacked the local imam, an uprising broke out in the
town of Khotan, 530 kilometres
(850 miles) east of Kashgar. The most serious
disturbances in recent years took place in February 1997 in the town of Inin on the border with Kazakhstan, 390 kilometres
(625 miles) west of Urumqi, where full-scale battles
between Uighur young people and the police raged for
several days. The conflict left 55 Chinese and 25 Uighurs
dead.
The Chinese government views Uighur separatism as a
serious threat to state security. "Today you can criticise
the communists privately, but to say anything (even within one's own family) in
support of Uighur independence is to risk
arrest," Uighurs told Forum 18.
At first glance Muslims in Xinjiang do not appear to
be subject to any persecution by the authorities. You can see working mosques
virtually everywhere in Kashgar. Forum 18 found that
the number of functioning mosques in Xinjiang is much
greater than, for example, in Uzbekistan, where the authorities are trying to
limit the number of Islamic places of worship. However, local Muslims told
Forum 18 that the mosques are strictly controlled by the authorities and all
the imam-hatybs are appointed by the authorities. As
in, for example, Uzbekistan, a religious community can only begin functioning
once it has registered with the state authorities. In every local district
there is a state Islamic association that oversees the life of Muslims.
The Chinese authorities also control the distribution of religious literature.
The owner of a Muslim bookshop in Kashgar, who
preferred not to be named, told Forum 18 that the state had compiled a list of
religious literature that was allowed in China. "If a book is found in my
shop that is not included in that list my trading licence
will be taken away immediately," the bookseller told Forum 18.
An unofficial order bans Muslims working in state-owned businesses from
visiting the mosque under threat of dismissal. Forum 18 saw posters on mosques
saying that anyone younger than 18 was not allowed to visit the mosque.
Schoolchildren are also banned from going to school wearing a hijab (a traditional scarf worn by Muslim women that leaves
only the face uncovered). "I am a Muslim and I have to wear a hijab, but we are not allowed to wear such 'ridiculous
clothing' in school," a 15-year-old schoolgirl told Forum 18. "Every
day I go to school in clothes that a Muslim woman ought to wear, and I only
change into my horrible school uniform when I reach the door!"
Uighur officials also practise
guile. As soon as they retire they start praying not five times a day, as
Muslims are required to do, but 10 or even 15 times a day, making up for the
lost years. It is worth noting that people acted similarly in Central Asia
during the Soviet era, where many party officials became zealous Muslims once
they retired. Chinese propaganda proclaims that educated people, such as
teachers, cannot be believers, as this is a mark of ignorance. There was
similar propaganda in the Soviet era when, for example, a student at a higher
education institution seen attending a place of worship could be excluded from
his course, because by visiting a religious building he had "shown his
ignorance".
However, unlike neighbouring Central Asia, where
today various radical Islamic groups are very active, such groups have not
become widespread in Eastern Turkestan. For example,
no Muslims Forum 18 spoke to in Xinjiang had heard
anything about the Hizb-ut-Tahrir party, an
international Islamic organisation very active in
Central Asia despite being banned in all the Central Asian states.
True, Forum 18 has established that recently so-called Wahhabis
- Muslims who adhere to the Hanbali school of Sunni
Islam which is widespread in Saudi Arabia - have appeared in Xinjiang ("Wahhabi" is
also a term widely used in Central Asia and incorrectly applied to Muslims who criticise the official clergy). Although the Uighurs, like the Muslims of Central Asia, belong to the Hanafi school, recently some young people in Xinjiang's mosques have been performing their prayers in
the manner of Hanbalis of Saudi Arabia. Several local
young people, like the so-called "Wahhabis"
of Central Asia, criticise expensive weddings and
funerals and the worship of mazars (the graves of
holy people), because they believe such practices violate the laws of Islam. At
the same time, unlike in Central Asia, no confrontations have been recorded in Xinjiang between the "Wahhabis" and the Hanafis.
Another point of similarity with the situation in Central Asia is the fierce
hostility of local Muslims to the military action taken by the United States
and Britain in Iraq. Virtually all those whom Forum 18 met believed that the US
and Britain were guilty of the massacre of innocent Iraqi Muslims. Forum 18's
sources regarded the US as the enemy of Muslims throughout the world.
It is worth noting that between 1983 and 1996 state officials and those under
18 were not banned from attending mosques. Local people told Forum 18 that
Muslims experienced no persecution from the authorities during this period. It
appears that in 1996 the Chinese authorities concluded that Uighur
separatism had a clearly religious foundation.
This is partially true. The Uighurs are much more
zealous Muslims than their Central Asian neighbours.
The majority of local married women wear the yashmak (which is rare in Central
Asia), while middle-aged men prefer to wear beards. Forum 18 often heard Uighurs say that their people "could never live
peacefully with the Chinese, because most of them are atheists". A Uighur man, for example, will never go to a restaurant if
the proprietor is Chinese, because the food is not prepared according to the
rules of Islam.
The Chinese law restricting childbirth arouses great upset (although the Uighurs, as a national minority, are allowed to have one
child more than the Chinese). "According to our Islamic customs, the more
children there are in a home, the greater the happiness. The Chinese law
insults our faith," Uighurs told Forum 18.
Forum 18 found that the overwhelming majority of Uighurs
are strongly hostile to the Chinese. For example, in Kashgar
a Uighur will never get in a taxi if the driver is
Chinese, preferring to pay money to his compatriots. "When they found out
that I was friendly with Chinese people, the Uighurs
were so upset that they even wanted to beat me up. They felt that Muslims have
no right to have anything to do with the Chinese," complained one Kyrgyz
businessman who works in Xinjiang.
The hostility towards the Chinese contrasts sharply with the tolerant relations
between Central Asian communities and the "Russian colonialists" in
Soviet times. One of the reasons is perhaps that Muslim teaching recommends a
more well-disposed attitude to Jews and Christians - the so-called "people
of the Book" - than to people professing other faiths. Another reason is
that in Soviet Central Asia there were no serious demographic changes similar
to those in Xinjiang (Kazakhstan is an exception to
this). In 1979 the percentage of Russians in Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and
Turkmenistan was no more than 12 per cent.
Even as it tries to reduce the Uighurs' religious
commitment, the Chinese government demonstrates a pronounced respect for their
national culture. Teaching in school and in further education establishments is
in Uighur, while there are Uighur
television programmes and Uighur
newspapers. In the Chinese army special kitchens prepare food for Muslim
soldiers.
Every year the Chinese authorities hold competitions for Uighur
children. The most gifted are given the option of attending prestigious
colleges in eastern China at government expense. Once they have finished their
tuition, the school leavers return to work in Xinjiang
absolutely secularised and distanced from the Islamic
laws and completely assimilated into Chinese culture.
At the same time as the government is trying to stamp out Uighur
separatism, it is pouring money into this backward province. The economic
progress is indeed impressive. When Forum 18's correspondent visited Xinjiang in 1994 the main means of transport in the towns
of the autonomous region were horse-drawn carriages and bicycles. Today it has
become commonplace for local people to travel about in cars. Even Uighur separatists admitted to Forum 18 that the standard of living in Xinjiang has risen markedly over the past 10 years.
However, while pouring money into the Xinjiang
economy, the government is also trying to destroy traditional Muslim culture,
Forum 18 was told. As an illustration, local people cited the example of the
area around the historic Id-Kah central mosque in Kashgar. Six months ago this was a traditional Uighur district with many shops and tea salons where
Muslims used to gather. Now the authorities have begun construction of a huge
supermarket on the square in front of the mosque. The shops and tea salons have
been destroyed under a city reconstruction plan. Speaking to Forum 18, local
people interpret these transformations as a deliberate attempt to make the
Muslim district conform to Chinese culture. For the time being at least, the
tension between local Muslims and the Chinese government has not been relieved
by Xinjiang's economic growth.