The 11th Malaysian general election March 21 was a historic moment in Malaysian politics and a political watershed in the country's history. It may also have been the turning point in the universal Islamic debate over religion and development, especially as these polls constitute the first victory for a progressive Islamic regime against Islamic conservatives or fundamentalists in the Muslim world since 9/11.
With this "progressive" win, could Malaysia's model of Islam Hadhari (progressive Islam) make inroads into the Muslim psyche of Indonesia, the southern Philippines and south Thailand, where some 240 million Muslims live? Could it become a model of "developmental Islam" in the Muslim world or even an inspiration to transform the Middle East, as U.S. President George W. Bush is seeking to do? Finally could Islam Hadhari be the real way to counter the rising tide of international terror?
The landslide victory of the Barisan Nasional (BN), Malaysia's ruling 14-party coalition under Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi, was astounding. It was the first time that the BN managed to sweep 90.4 percent of Malaysia's 219 national parliamentary seats and 89.5 percent of its 504 state seats. The BN also obtained 64.4 percent of the popular vote, just a little less than its 1995 record of 65 percent.
This "blue (BN's party color) tidal wave" has not only given BN unprecedented control of Parliament, but accorded Abdullah an exceptionally strong mandate to govern and reform Malaysia for the next five years. UMNO, the principal Malay party within BN, did exceptionally well to recapture the rural Malay Islamic vote, which it had lost to the conservative Islamic opposition party PAS in the 1999 elections.
More significantly, PAS was politically routed; its national parliamentary seats dropping from 26 to 7, its state seats, from 98 to 36. PAS, which had controlled two of Malaysia's 13 states, lost Trengganu to BN and had its state parliamentary majority reduced drastically in Kelantan -- from 41-2 to 24-21. On all counts it was a political thrashing for the Islamic party in the northeastern Islamic belt. This belt comprises four states: Kelantan (which PAS ultimately retained, but by a slim margin), Trengganu (which it lost), Kedah and Perlis (which were feared to be swinging toward PAS, but ultimately "saved" by BN).
These four states are mostly rural, underdeveloped and mostly populated by Malays (and Muslims), unlike other states where Chinese, Indians and other ethnic groups are found in greater numbers. As the poorest states in Malaysia, they were considered by PAS to be its "green" Islamic belt, thus underscoring an intrinsic link between development status and Islam.
With the Islamic developmental agenda a focus of attention during the election campaign, four points can be drawn from the results of the poll:
First, Malaysia needed to redefine the place and role of Islam in politics and society. Abdullah was chosen to succeed Mahathir Mohamad not only to "fight" PAS, its conservative brand of Islam and its concept of the Islamic state, but also to lead a moderate Islamic country in a world that faces an "Islamic radical revival" amid explosive Middle East and Israeli-Palestinian politics.
Two brands of Islam vied for Muslim hearts and minds. PAS emphasizes the importance of the "Islamic factor," such as "placing Islam as the highest authority" in the constitution, introducing Islamic law, invoking Allah, and focusing on the Muslim "priority of ascending to heaven." Abdullah, on the other hand, seeks to use his moderate Muslim reputation to push for his own brand of "progressive Islam," which balances development and religion.
Second, Malaysia, in re-defining the role and place of Islam in politics, economics and society, has come to terms with the fundamental debate linking the Islamic faith with economic development, showcasing what a Muslim country can do in terms of modernity and social development. This brings to the fore the issue of a "model of development compatible with Islam." Furthermore, Abdullah has appealed for Islam to be "inclusive" and for Muslims to be tolerant and outward-looking to maintain Malaysia's racial and religious harmony. The "Abdullah" model shows that Islam can indeed be compatible with development, modernity and social tolerance.
Third, the electoral debate also highlighted which brand of Islam should be upheld and taught in Malaysia's education system. The question of Islamic teaching in the public Sekolah Agamat Rakyat (SAR) vs. the Islamic madrasa (Quranic schools) run by PAS had already been considered in the final days of Mahathir's term in office. English is now imposed as the medium of teaching science and mathematics in the SARs, and the central government seeks to control the curriculum of madrasa more strictly. Education (and religious education in particular) is a critical factor in this Islamic debate, in which a fundamental issue is the separation of mosque and state.
Finally, behind this religious debate is the more crucial one of terrorism and the fight against international terror. It has been feared that Malaysia's domestic terrorist network, the Kempulan Militan Malaysia (with possible intrinsic links to international terror networks) could "ride" on radical Islam to further its own political goal of toppling the elected government and creating an Islamic caliphate across Southeast Asia together with other radical Muslim (terrorist) groups in the Philippines, Indonesia, Thailand Singapore and Brunei. Developmental Islam thus could be a strong antidote against Islamic terrorism and terror.
Given his overwhelming mandate, Abdullah is now expected to push forward his "progressive" Islamic agenda. The elections have provided him with a golden opportunity to separate the mosque from the state, much akin to the monumental 1905 French law on the separation of church and state. A victorious "progressive" Malaysia could provide the Muslim world with a developmental model, divorced from the Islamic theocracies of the Middle East, that integrates Islam with sound economic development, modernity, social development and religious tolerance.